Atlantic Expedition
  • About
  • Articles
  • Expeditions
    • Expedition to Hamburg/Dresden/Berlin
    • Expedition to Chicago/Houston
    • Atlantic Basecamp and Atlantic Action Plan
    • Timeline
    • Testimonials
  • Fellows
    • 1st Expedition Fellows
    • 2nd Expediton Fellows
  • Supporters
  • Contact
  • Log In
March 20, 2017  |  By Redaktion In Integration, Minorities

Sharing Standards and Values in Development, Refugee, and Integration Policy

The recent migrant crisis has brought longstanding tensions in Europe’s immigration and integration policies to the forefront. This is compounded by a concern in Europe and the United States that hosting refugees and migrants from fragile and conflict-afflicted states in the Middle East and North Africa increase domestic security risks, and that such persons are not easily integrated into existing socioeconomic and political systems. We believe the United States and Europe need to develop a holistic approach towards their development, migration, and integration policies, as success in each field is interlinked. More effective aid  can help to address the root causes of conflict and fragility, reducing the pressures of forced migration at the source. At the same time, more open, inclusive and integrative policies at home serve to buttress our credibility as a value-based community, making our efforts to address global security challenges more effective.

1. Development Cooperation: Coordination and Financing for a More Effective Aid System
Successful development cooperation goes back to the origins of the transatlantic partnership. The legacy of the Marshall Plan allows Europe and the US to act from a position of economic strength; today, the United States and Europe are the world’s the two largest donors in development and humanitarian aid, and are generally at the forefront of international efforts to respond to humanitarian crises. However, the United States and Europe often do not invest the necessary resources and attention to prevention. Both parties should be committed to meeting the 0.7% of GDP development aid target for OECD countries. But even small, continuous investments in development projects – done effectively – can help to address some of the root causes of conflict, political violence, migration, and other challenges. This will be less painful and costly than dealing with the fallout of major international crises after the fact.

However, one of the major bottlenecks of effective developmental assistance in fragile and conflict-affected states has been the lack of coordination among different actors. Over the short term, the American and European aid agencies should improve their coordination mechanisms, to more systematically and formally improve synergies in their activities, while reducing programmatic and funding overlap, duplication and competition. This needs to take place at the level of in-country actors in embassies and delegations, but should mature into more coordinated policies between US and EU at a policy level.  As this coordination matures, a joint comprehensive review of the development system should be carried out – including a reexamination of some of the orthodoxies of the development sector. For instance, regulations that lead to a ‘move the money around or budgets will be cut’ mentality must be avoided. Over the long term, more sustained pooling of resources should take place. For instance, a joint trust fund can be established to provide a self-sustaining source of development finance. The differential remaining in the fund can be invested productively in the economy, prioritizing businesses involved in the green energy transformation or providing services to the ‘poor’. National ownership, rigorous policy research and independent evaluation mechanisms should guide transatlantic efforts.

2.  Organizational Partnership for Refugee Asylum and Protection
The massive outflow of refugees from the Middle East and North Africa over recent years have tested the capacity and willingness of the United States and European Union member states to keep their doors open to refugees. A sustainable balance between various competing policy objectives, including humanitarian aid and burden-sharing, remains to be found. We propose several measures to increase fairness, efficiency, sustainability, and legitimacy of the current system.

Emergency situations like the 2015 refugee crisis make short-term burden-sharing measures inevitable. The subnational actors affected most by the admittance of refugees need to be included in decision-making, and diplomatic effort between the United States, the EU and UNHCR should be continued to fight traffickers and to reach agreements on resettling refugees. Sharing expertise and best practices could also be used to increase transparency and coherence of the asylum application procedure to prevent populist backlash while at the same time ensuring equitable protection for asylum seekers.

All transatlantic partners must be held accountable to reduce push factors of forced migration by improving employment of refugees as well as standards in camps, particularly in Eastern Africa and Syria’s neighboring states. For this aim, securing the financing of UNHCR and investing in research and pilot projects is vital. On the long term and with respect to probable climate-refugee scenarios, we stand up for an equitable transatlantic solution and propose pooling resources and the introduction of a humanitarian visa based on criteria of vulnerability.

3.  Empowering NGOs and Local Communities toward Effective Integration
The steady flow of immigrants into the United States and Europe is an inevitable and positive tenet of contemporary society in these regions. There must be systematic and consistent initiatives to successfully integrate migrant, including refugee, populations to stop culture-based polarization in western countries. The surge of immigrants into Germany should force the country to critically reexamine its integration practices. The United States may have a long history of successful integration but this threatens to be undone by the Trump Administration.

Many key innovations in integration resources are from or will require non-government actors. Two services essential for integration are employment support and language skill courses. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs), usually non-for-profit, organize language courses and are key to softening anti-immigrant attitudes in local communities.  The non-profit sector in the United States has a better organizational and funding structure than in Germany. Successful American NGOs in integration work should be committed to sharing best practices and partnering with German non-profits. Also, German and US public funding for integration should be increasingly tailored toward NGOs as they have greater flexibility in their operations and empower local actors to part of the integration process.

The most successful integration initiatives are not top-down but bottom-up. Therefore, we believe municipal governments in both the US and Germany should have broad determination for integration policies.  This includes starting private sponsorship programs for refugees, providing  financial incentives to companies for hiring underrepresented migrant populations, and providing cultural education curriculum. This local approach to integration ensures that the community most responsible for making migrant groups feel welcomed are an active participant in the ground-level process. Both the US and Germany have failed to be consistently transparent and communicative in describing how schools, religious institutions, and the private sector must engage migrant populations for successful integration and broader communities to be created.

Tim Fingerhut is a graduate of Sciences Po Paris and interns with the United Nations Department of Political Affairs, with a focus on Eastern Europe and migration.

Michael David Harris is a Civil Affairs Specialist in the Army Reserve and teaches foreign policy to high school students in Chicago, IL.

Jonathan Old studies International Relations at Technische Universität, Dresden. He has worked on NGO Development projects in Germany and India.

Jiayi Zhou is a Researcher at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI); she was a Atlantis Transatlantic Fellow in 2011-2013.

Atlantic Expedition aims to empower a younger and more diverse generation of leaders in transatlantic relations. It's a project of the non-profit NGO Atlantische Initiative e.V. based in Berlin, Germany.

Previous StoryToward a Decentralized Framework for Climate Engagement
Next StoryBridging the Atlantic: Exchanging Ideas and People Towards a New Education Agenda

3 replies added

  1. Joerg Wolf March 22, 2017 Reply

    Great Memo. I like in particular your calls for “more coordinated policies between US and EU at a policy level. As this coordination matures, a joint comprehensive review of the development system”. Those are good ways to improve development without spending more money and such practical transatlantic cooperation goes a long way to improve and modernize the relationship.

    “Both parties should be committed to meeting the 0.7% of GDP development aid target for OECD countries.”
    How do you want to convince policy makers to spend this money on helping citizens in foreign countries rather than those in their constituency, especially in light of growing domestic inequality and rising populism?
    How would this improve transatlantic relations, this project’s main goal? Maybe by connecting it with the German-American debate on burden sharing, which currently is a heavy, well, burden on our relationship? A transatlantic “grand bargain” or at least a mutual understanding: Germany spends more on defense, but also is recognized for its non-military burden-sharing, while the US increases its aid budget. According to the OECD the US spent 0.17% of GNI on official development assistance, while Germany spent 0.52&
    The Defense Memo calls for meeting NATO’s 2% guideline. So, here is a chance for you to increase your “interdisciplinary” work and set up a holistic approach – that you rightly called for earlier – and make deal with the Defense working group. IF you want to. Your call.
    As you know some in the German government have suggested a burden-sharing security target of 3% that includes budgets for defense, foreign aid and for hosting refugees.

  2. Joerg Wolf March 22, 2017 Reply

    “For instance, a joint trust fund can be established to provide a self-sustaining source of development finance.” I realize that this part used to be much longer and I understand and appreciate the changes. In this brevity it sounds a little bit as if the EU and US have a lot of cash lying around that can be put into this fund and generate enough revenue on the stock market. It’s probably clear to anyone who worked on this for month, but you need to write for readers who have not heard your ideas before. I am slightly concerned in this regard with all Memos. Thus it might be good idea to get feedback from someone who has not read previous versions.

    “refugees from the Middle East and North Africa”
    Many refugees also from Central Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa, while many migrants from North Africa are not really refugees.
    Anyway, that’s just small stuff. Great Memo!

    • Manuel Schöb March 26, 2017 Reply

      Picking up on Joerg’s posts, a fund could really generate returns that could be invested in development projects. Look at the Norwegian petrol fund that should serve the Norwegian people. The problem is really the money. You cannot generate huge returns if you do it properly. So 100m in annual return require already a fund size of at least 5bn or 10bn. And the money would be locked in the fund. Currently I do not see any appetite for such a solution.

Leave a Reply to Manuel Schöb Cancel Reply

(will not be shared)

If you have an account, log in here

Please keep your comment under 2500 characters.

About

Atlantic Expedition is a fellowship program aiming to empower a younger and more diverse generation of leaders in transatlantic relations.

The Atlantic Expedition is currently in its second round. After fellows of the first Expedition developed policy recommendations and created the Atlantic Memo “Transatlantic Relations in a New Era: The Next Generation Approach”, participants of the second Expedition joined forces to develop new strategies for communicating transatlantic relations to a diverse audience and consequently making the transatlantic relationship a more inclusive endeavor.

From 9-14 October, fellows of the second Atlantic Expedition traveled to Chicago and Houston to present and discuss their ideas and proposals with representatives from politics, media, business and civil society. They published their recommendations in a second Atlantic Memo titeled “Atlantic Expedition II: Towards a More Inclusive Transatlantic Partnership” .

To stay up-to date, virtually join the expedition and to add your voice to the discussion, please find us on facebook and twitter.

Search

Subscribe to our Newsletter

ABOUT US

Atlantic Expedition is a project aimed at empowering a younger and more diverse generation of leaders in transatlantic relations. The project is run by Atlantische Initiative, a Berlin based, non-profit, non-partisan NGO.

ATLANTIC EXPEDITIONS

  • Expedition to Chicago/Houston
  • Expedition to Hamburg/Dresden/Berlin
  • Atlantic Basecamp and Atlantic Action Plan
  • Timeline
  • FAQ

LEGAL

  • Terms of Use
  • Privacy Policy
  • Imprint

Social Media

Atlantic Expedition
A project by Atlantische Initiative
We use cookies to ensure that we give you the best experience on our website. If you continue to use this site we will assume that you are happy with it. OkRead more