The German-American relationship has a long history and a very rich tradition. Oftentimes unknown and maybe also sometimes willingly unknown, immigrants of German descent compose the largest European immigrant group in the United States. However, in recent times this relationship which can also be included in the transatlantic partnership has shown some fissures which need to be mended. The post-World War II world order saw the emergence of the U.S. as Europe´s guarantor of safety and freedom. It seems as if since this relationship needs to be adjusted to the aspects of a post-Cold War era which emerged after the fall of the Berlin Wall. The United States´ role in European affairs ought to be defined while the European Union´s member states need to act unanimously in questions of security thereby erecting a new European security architecture.
A new basis for the transatlantic relationship needs to be found and I believe I can offer some insights which might lead to this basis. First of all, a minimal consensus should be reached concerning the underlying values and assumptions on which the transatlantic relationship is to be found. Our brightest minds of political philosophy have offered meaningful notions on this issue. I believe a reanimation of John Stuart Mill´s liberalism is helpful to this endeavor. The “West” is more than a geographical concept. It is also an intellectual and political concept which stresses personal autonomy and self-governance through elections. This social and political order has been and remains highly attractive to the majority of people. But it is a concept which desperately needs an update for the 21st century.
Second, we must identify key issues which the transatlantic partnership should tackle. In a time of growing inequality as well as insecurity due to an unprecedented form of terrorist attacks a mutual understanding of how our political economy as well as on security matter must be reached. The United States and the EU together combine the largest economic entity in the world. Both societies have reached a climax of economic wealth. However, this does not translate into wealth for the larger part of society. Especially young people face high student debts as well as poor prospects on the labor market in Southern European countries. Large public investments in education are needed generating public institutions of education living up to the highest standard. I do not mean to say that it should be our goal to have every young adult studying at a university. To the contrary, I believe that good vocational training needs to be offered. The ultimate goal and aspiration must be that all young people who wish to pursue a meaningful education in order to be well-qualified for the labor market ought to have the chance to acquire their goal without facing debts which will not be reimbursed before they eventually retire.
On the other hand, public security is one of the most pressing questions of our times. Western societies have faced multiple attacks in recent times and are struggling to find an adequate answer which balances freedom and security in a good way. All-encompassing surveillance cannot be the answer to these threats. As I said, the principles of liberalism are the foundation of our societies and they would be violated by such measures. Nevertheless, a new security partnership between both sides of the Atlantic ought to be established. But we need one, in which both populations can put their trust. Clear rules need to be defined concerning personal data. Private companies need to be held accountable by democratically elected state authorities.
I believe that on both sides of the Atlantic major party leaders need to be addressed with the issues I just presented. I am convinced that in the EU as well as in the U.S. most of the people clearly see the advantages of mutual cooperation. Unfortunately, many party leaders lack the audacity to speak up for a renewal of the transatlantic partnership which reflects the challenges of the 21st century. Politicians need to lay out the compelling evidence of benefits in this partnership. Our societies´ prosperity has been built in the post-World War II order in which both sides of the Atlantic fared well with the established world order. I do not agree that both sides should look for new partners. Liberal democracy is our mutual bond which we cannot take for granted. It should, therefore, be adjusted to new challenges without abandoning the underlying foundation. I believe this is clear to most people. However, they ought to be reminded regardless of current political events. There needs to be time to discuss the bigger picture with politicians as well as civil society actors. In a strengthened transatlantic partnership, we can take on the challenges of the 21st century.
Hi Lucas – I think I agree with most of what you said, but I am not seeing an overarching solution proposal to supplement the characterization of the situation and underlying sentiment. This is certainly still helpful, but could you elaborate on what you mean when you say that “a new security partnership between both sides of the Atlantic ought to be established?” In addition, you say that most Europeans and Americans see the potential benefits from international engagement, but that the party leaders “lack the audacity to speak up for a renewal of the transatlantic partnership .” Why do you think this is the case if most of the constituents would support this? -Mike
To answer your second question, it seems as if international cooperation is not a winning topic at the moment. However, the French Presidential Election has shown that candidates are able to win an election as proponents of international cooperation if they link it to a positive narrative promising a better future. Unfortunately, it has become popular among some politicians to propose unilateral measures as the solution to international crises.
I believe a renewed transatlantic partnership should take the EU´s proposals for a new common security policy into account. This might lead to a truly equal partnership in security issues between the EU and the United States. However, with Brexit coming, there remains the question of how to incorporate the United Kingdom into this partnership.
Hi Lucas,
thanks for your article. I agree with you, the principles of liberalism are the foundation of the West. Therefore, they also have to be at the core of a renewed transatlantic partnership – especially in the area of security cooperation. I like your idea of laying down rules for private companies use of personal data. Would you agree that we need similar rules for our intelligence services?
cheers
Justus
I reckon you are referring to the common assumption that there is a trade-off between security and liberty. However, this is only true to a certain extend. Liberty does not mean much without security. Naively criticizing intelligence services for being granted to much power does not serve the prospect of liberalism well. Nevertheless, these services need to hold accountable to parliaments. As a starter, it would be helpful if the European Parliament had a real and strong intelligence committee surveying a common European intelligence service. The rules and powers granted to our intelligence services should always be up to debate since they have to answer to changing circumstances.
Hi Lucas,
I was surprised to find out that with over 14 percent, immigrants of German descent form the largest group among European-Americans, so thank you for providing me with that insight. I have lived in South Dakota for a while, where I noticed German ancestry being very prominent, but I thought this was only a regional occurance. I agree with the importance of education for a transatlantic future but I don’t think we will ever see an alignment of our educational system as they vary too greatly. Whereas university education in Germany is basically free, most students in the US have to mount debts totalling tenth of thousands of dollars, which is a less inclusive approach. As a side effect though, I have noticed this difference increased the number of Americans seeking higher education in Europe, which fosters a transatlantic exchange. What do you think?
I certainly do not prefer an alignment of our educational systems since I believe that diversity in educational systems is an asset. It enables us to learn from another. What I hold to be necessary are more exchange options on a student level as well as on a professional level. I can tell you that from my own experience as a student at the John F. Kennedy Institute in Berlin, I enjoy international diversity very much. There are a lot of American students in my program and their experience and contributions are definitely enriching.
Hi Lucas,
Thanks for your in-depth analysis of the current transatlantic relations. I think you made very clear that we are living in a long period full of hopes, new experiments and proposals but without innovative approaches. But I also think that both the U. S. and Europa have the same interests as at the birth of the transatlantic relations: peace, prosperity and security. These key issues remain the core direction of transatlantic cooperation. For example just look at the security issue.
In my opinion the transatlantic security cooperation consists of 3 pieces of common strategy: support for Ukraine, both politically and economically, sanctions and isolation for Russia, and reassurance of the NATO alliance. While packages of sanctions have been different, they are complementary, but if Russia continues its unwillingness to negotiate, there will be an urgent need to move forward with sectoral financial sanctions. So I would say we need to strengthen those measures in security and economy which do not go far enough in their present form to do the transatlantic job.
Greetings
Tim
Dear Tim,
while I perfectly agree with your arguments for imposing sanctions to deter Russia from taking similar measures in the Baltic, I believe that the EU needs to take a leading role in this conflict. This is not only due to the inconsistencies of the current U.S. Administration but also because it is a European conflict. This is a chance for the EU “to grow up” in security issues. However, I am not arguing for a neglectance of the atlantic partnership in this conflict. But the U.S. should act as a back-up force for the EU. It should be clear that Transatlantic Treaty Article Number 5 is still valid, but the EU should be the pilot in this conflict.